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Like It or Fear It, a United Europe Is on the Way

June 30, 2000

For years, visionaries spoke about it and political dreamers drafted documents, but it had no part in real international relations. Now, quite suddenly, the idea of a European constitution has become a practical project, a topic of debate.

French leaders don't like the idea of a federal Europe, which they see as a superstate taking over the historic function of nations; that is anathema to the essence of Gaullist thought. But advocating only mincing moves, without defining any goal, seemed to leave France alone just when the urge for new initiatives was rising again.

So on June 27, President Jacques Chirac took the occasion of a formal visit to Berlin, where he was the first foreign chief of state to address the Bundestag in its new united capital, to reinvigorate the French-German "locomotive" role for Europe. He carefully avoided the slightest clarity on what kind of institutions should be prescribed in a European fundamental law, speaking neither of federation, of confederation nor of the Gaullist "Europe of homelands," a formula that now sounds obsolete in any event.

But as Europe enters what he called a "grand transition," he said European Union members should work out a constitution that would define its ultimate geographical borders, set its institutions and make the whole "more understandable for the citizen." It should include a charter of human rights. When this is done "in a few years," the document should be submitted for ratification by the voters.

In the meantime, he proposed that countries eager for more integration on specific policies form a "pioneer group" to accelerate the pace. Presumably, it is the same notion as setting up a "two-speed Europe" or a "hard core" or an "inner circle," all of which have met strong resistance. But he went beyond previous suggestions, saying the pioneer group should be open to all who wish to join and operate through a newly established secretariat.

This would be a way of defying the established machinery of the European Commission in Brussels and probably would lead to conflicts on division of power. But, by that token, consideration of the plan would make it much harder to duck the issue of a federal versus a nation-state based structure, so that the question would be addressed in practical terms even as the constitution writers shaped their clauses.

Already in France two drafts are being worked out for debate, providing details for confrontation. Recent polls show a substantial rise in favorable opinion for a more united Europe, with 59 percent enthusiastic or favorable and 41 percent skeptical or opposed. Eight years ago, when the Maastricht treaty establishing the current European Union was put to a referendum, it squeaked by with just over 50 percent.

The felt need for a constitution responds, after long deferral, to new problems created by the commitment to accept at least 12 new members in the coming years. The Union simply could not work the way it is with so many, and the risk of regression to a mere customs area would be strong.

If there already were a constitution like those of federal states such as America or Germany, the inclusion of more members would be relatively easy. They would simply adopt the rules, receive the privileges and recognize a pole of allegiance which the constitution represents.

This question of allegiance is a very important but seldom mentioned factor in what kind of Europe is to emerge. Whatever the initial structure, the existence of a recognized basic charter,a charter of rights and a common obligation and capacity to enforce them will change the psychological meaning of Europe in ways that not even a common currency can.

"We will not allow the European project to be undone," Chirac said, referring to the difficulties of adjusting to coming conditions. But "neither you nor we envisage the creation of a European superstate that would substitute for our nation-states."

No doubt, but his own call for a constitution to be endorsed by the voters and for a pioneer group to push the pace reflects the irresistible impulse that the vision of Europe provokes to create a new reality.

Despite all the embarrassments of transforming that misty idea into hard facts of everyday life for politicians as well as voters, a more organized, more conscious Europe is coming now. The United States has always said it supports the idea, and it almost always balks at the thought of having to deal with a really united Europe. It had better prepare for it.



© 2000 TruthNews. All Rights Reserved.

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